Tuesday 20 September 2022

Growing Trend of Majoritarian Authoritarianism in South Asia

 


Reza Ehsan & Sapna Goel
Published at: The Geopolitics
Can be reached:
https://thegeopolitics.com/growing-trend-of-majoritarian-authoritarianism-in-south-asia/

While it is no secret that majoritarian nationalism, culminating in Donald Trump becoming the US president in 2016 and Brexit in the UK, is swiftly taking over most parts of the world, South Asia proves to be most prone to it. The forces of majoritarianism are changing the region to a dystopia, through divisive electoral politics and undermining of democratic institutions, which was difficult to imagine by the turn of the century.   
South Asia is becoming the antithesis to the values for which the region needs to stand for. The chain of events in parts of South Asia paints a very unfortunate picture of the region. The ruling government in India is growing intolerant towards all kinds of dissent against government policies or certain legislations. As both the houses of Parliament passed the new Citizenship Amendment Bill aka CAB in December last year, protests have been held across different parts of the country by different student-based organisations and other groups for a variety of concerns. The Bill grants citizenship to individuals who are Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Christian, Jain or Parsi who entered India from Pakistan, Bangladesh, or Afghanistan before December 2014. While in the North-East ethnic groups fear of cultural dominance by the migrants from Bangladesh, in rest of India, the act is being opposed for being against the Muslim community, the largest minority in the country. However, the dissent has been suppressed by the ruling party resorting to different means including banning the internet in areas where protests were being held, huge deployment of troops and imposition of Section 144 prohibiting assembly of five or more persons when unrest is anticipated in the name of maintaining law and order. 
The same trend is consistent across other countries of the region. In Afghanistan, at least three nationwide protests against the ruling National Unity Government have been suppressed by the use of force. The security demands raised in the 2015 Tabassum Movement, a movement led by the members of the Hazara community and born out of frustration of people after beheading of Tabbasum, a 9 years old girl with her 6 other co-travellers, was not received very well by the government. In 2016, The Enlightening Movement was born when the government re-routed a power line from the central province, the Hazarajat to northern provinces. The government failed to prevent the coordinated suicide attacks by the member of ISIS-Khorasan killing close to a hundred people, which many Hazaras see the National Unity Government secretly involved. The indifference of the government towards the community coupled with its discriminatory policies in aid and developmental budget distribution motivated the Taliban to launch deadly attacks against the Hazaras in Uruzgan, Malistan and Jaghori leading to killings of hundreds and several thousand displacements. The Uprising for Change Movement born out of frustration with the government failing to provide security triggered by a lethal car bombing attack near Kabul’s Zanbaq junction in May 2017 was met by a brutal crackdown by the police. The government in Afghanistan pays no heed to the plight of minority communities. The long-persecuted Sikh community only recently came under attack in Jalalabad city, causing the community to consider the option of mass migration out of Afghanistan. 
Additionally, besides the dissenting voices on the streets are being crushed, there is ample evidence to show that discriminations and ethnic bias may be very systematic. In Afghanistan, the already limited opportunities available to minorities are given in favour of the traditionally powerful Pashtun community. Leaked memo from the office of president in 2017 is suggestive of how appointments are being made based on the ethnic lines. In 2018, the government forced 164 military generals into early retirement under reform pretext, the majority of whom belonged to non-Pashtun ethnic groups. 
In Pakistan, also ethnic and religious minorities are targeted and the state has not been able to protect them. Hazara Community of Pakistan has been persecuted and targeted several times in Quetta, each time many have been killed and injured. While at the same time the level of tolerance against Christian, Hindus and Ahmadia religious groups has been declining as many face religious persecution due to blasphemy laws and political motives. In Bangladesh also persecution of religious and ethnic minorities has happened repeatedly. The case of persecution of the Chakma tribe is one such example. 
Morbid electoral politics 
There is a growing threat to the idea of electoral democracy. We see an increasing trend where elections are largely fought on sentiments with which the majority community of the country aligns with. The popular sentiments of people on religious and ethnic issues are being appropriated for political gains while diverting people’s attention away from other relevant socio-economic issues. Nationalism, based on religion or ethnicity, as opposed to civic nationalism, has become the dominating ideology. This is almost the case of most of the South Asian countries. In India, the core issues such as the promises to abrogate article 370, which gave special status to erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir and building of Ram Mandir in a disputed site in Ayodhya formed the basis for a comfortable victory for the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) giving the party a second term at the National level. Keeping the promises, BJP abrogated article 370 in August 2019 and the Supreme court of India cleared grounds for making Ram Mandir, however, both these developments have been challenged by several political parties and organisations on various grounds including their constitutional validity, bypassing the voices of a significant section of people from Jammu and Kashmir and hurting the sentiments of the Muslim community. 
At the same time, army operations such as the airstrikes conducted by the Indian Army in Balakot, Pakistan, in response to the attack in Pulwama region of Kashmir by a suicide-bomber belonging to a Pakistan-based terrorist group have been hugely publicised for political gains. In Sri Lanka as well, the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks created deep insecurities among the Sri Lankans as the relative peace enjoyed by the country since the conclusion of the nearly three-decade-long conflict in 2009 ended with the attack. The attack led to increased violence against Muslim households, and Muslim businesses were boycotted. The Easter attacks also led to the heightened political discourse around majoritarian Nationalism and have been hugely publicised for political gains as President Gotabaya Rajapaksa secures victory with 52.25 per cent of the vote with the majority of the electorate from the Sinhala-Buddhist group.
In Afghanistan, after several delays, the presidential elections were held on 28-September 2019. The campaign in elections has been driven entirely on ethnic lines while ignoring the socio-economic issues. Widespread electoral fraud, mismanagement and institutional shortcomings have eroded people’s faith in the institutions of democracy. 
Undermining the democratic Institutions 
In India, we see that the ruling government has also been interfering in the independent working of several notable constitutional and statutory institutions. Although healthy discussions between political parties and institutions are always welcome and are required as well, however, many institutions have accused the government of interfering in matters for political ends. In January 2018, four senior judges of the Supreme Court held a press conference to issue a warning about the mishandling of sensitive cases by the then Chief Justice of India Dipak Mishra and its dangers for Indian democracy. In October 2018, Viral Acharya, deputy governor of RBI expressed concerns about the attempts made by the ruling government to undermine the regulator’s independence. Ruling in favour of Hindus in the case of Ayodhya indicates that democratic institutions such as Indian high court are vulnerable to the influence of majoritarian nationalism. 
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of The Geopolitics.


Reza Ehsan and Sapna Goel are PhD Scholars in Economics Department at South Asian University, New Delhi. Can be reached at: sapnagoel183@gmail.com, mreza.ehsanghori@gmail.com

Afghan Refugees in India in the Time of Covid-19

 Reza Ehsan and Sapna Goel

Published at: The Geopolitics
Can be reached: 
https://thegeopolitics.com/afghan-refugees-in-india-in-the-time-of-coronavirus/?fbclid=IwAR0Ldi847mtu4-o8V5yBBDgb0I2Cv8pR389IyHeMOO9t2cE0JXhocmtG7nE


The lockdown in wake of the Covid-19 pandemic has put all of us at risk in terms of financial, mental and physical health. However, the vulnerable groups including informal wage workers, farmers and refugees bear the brunt of the crisis.
As Delhi enters the 3rd phase of lockdown, living a hand to mouth life most of the Afghan refugees residing in the national capital struggles to meet their ends. As per UNHCR (2014), there are around 14,000 Afghan refugees living in India, which for most is a transit country to reach their final destination. They are mainly residing in various parts of Delhi-Lajpat Nagar, Tilak Nagar, Jangpura, Malviya Nagar, and Wazirabad. Some of them are living in Faridabad, Haryana as well. 
The legal status of Afghan refugees in India
Though India hosts a large number of refugees, it is not a signatory to the 1951 refugee convention or its 1967 additional protocol which gives the former a universal coverage. The 1951 refugee convention is the centerpiece of international refugee protection today. The convention lays basic minimum standards for the treatment of refugees. As per the convention, the refugees are given various rights including the right to primary education, access to courts, provision for documentation, including a refugee travel document in passport form.
India’s policy regarding granting refugee status is not uniform. For instance, the Indian government does offer prima facie official recognition for two refugee groups- Sri Lankan Tamils and Tibetans. It entitles these groups to receive a range of benefits including referral to public services and government-approved refugee certificate. Afghan refugees living in India aren’t officially recognized by the Government of India (GoI) as refugees. However, GoI permits United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to work for the protection of the interest of Afghan refugees in Delhi. Refugees from Myanmar, Somalia, and Palestine are neither recognized by the government of India nor receive much support from UNHCR.  
The Afghan refugees living in Delhi do not have a clear legal status except the refugee card which is issued by UNHCR after following a due process. While the UNHCR issued ID cards help prevent arbitrary arrest and deportation, the refugees still face problems in securing jobs in the formal sector and access to admissions in schools and colleges for the lack of documents. Opening a bank account and renting a home as well requires obtaining a long-term visa.
UNHCR has also been supporting the refugee groups as it provides monthly subsistence allowance to a few of them and also runs various programs including vocational training and self-employment opportunities. While the Afghans find Delhi a much safer place, they complain about the high cost of living as they struggle to meet their ends. Most of them have long waited for their interviews and visas to get the chance to go to the third country of destination but it has not happened. After waiting for 8 or 9 years or more some haven’t got any response, therefore, they have thought of returning to their country but it has not been easy as they have to pay huge fines to the government of India and their name will be put in the blacklist to not be able to come back.
The impact of COVID-19 on the refugees
While Afghan refugees in India have been able to blend well with the locals adding new flavors and aromas to local food and culture, their chances of securing decent livelihoods in formal sector remain limited as they do not have a clear identity. These refugees have been able to start their restaurants, mobile shops, medical shops, parlors, etc. but with the outbreak of Covid-19 and the subsequent nationwide lockdown, their already limited livelihood opportunities are in danger. 
We conducted telephonic interviews with 10 Afghan refugees living in different parts of Delhi to understand the immediate impact of the lockdown on their livelihood and the role played by government and UNHCR to support them during the crisis in terms of providing income support and access to health facilities. 
Take the case of Ahmad (name changed) who came to India from Mazar-i-Sharif, Afghanistan in December 2016 due to security threats.  He is living with his brother in Lajpat Nagar and has been able to find a temporary job as a translator and has also been helping newly coming refugee families in finding accommodation. He has also been receiving financial support from his relatives abroad. However, after the lockdown, he has lost his job as well as faced difficulty in receiving the financial support as the financial help was mainly sent via informal means.
Another refugee Mahmood (name changed) who came to Delhi 3 years ago with 5 other members of his family told the authors that he has been able to earn around Rs. 7000 per month by selling fruits and vegetables. After the lockdown, the family struggles to meet their ends in the absence of any alternate income support.
Salim (name changed) who has been living in Tilak Nagar, Delhi since 2015 with 8 other family members shares similar pains as amidst the lockdown he had to close down his shop. Selling second-hand household appliances, he was able to earn around 9000 per month. 
However, food and livelihood is not the only problem for refugees. The Refugee families have expressed concern that those who haven’t yet received the refugee card (the refugee card issued by UNHCR) do not have access to public health services while they cannot afford private health care. Due to language barriers, the refugees also face problems in communication at the hospitals. There are 99 Covid-19 hotspots in Delhi. The hotspots include areas in places like Malviya Nagar, East of Kailash, and Khirki village where Afghan refugees have been living. One positive case of the coronavirus has been reported from Lajpat Nagar as well. Amidst the Covid-19 outbreak, UNHCR in a joint initiative with BOSCO has been providing health and safety guidelines to some of the Afghan refugees regarding protection against the coronavirus. However, many families do not have access to such programs run by BOSCO-UNHCR.
The refugee families reported that they are facing problems in the payment of rent, buying food, access to hospitals, and sanitary items and there has been no financial support from UNHCR or Indian government to help them in managing during the crisis.
Reza Ehsan and Sapna Goel are PhD Scholars in Economics Department at South Asian University, New Delhi.